Red the Riot Act (The Red Menace #3)

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Hallifax's tall tales of out-of-this-world enemies have the gullible lining up in droves to join his church, and his disciples become an earthly army for their leader's terrestrial aims. There's nothing otherworldly about murder and mayhem. It's up to the Red Menace and Dr. Wainwright to discover just what the cult has to do with the head honcho of a down-on-its-luck perfume company, a Russian hit squad, a sexy Hollywood superstar, and a threat to all America. No matter what the stars have to say about it, here on Earth all the players quickly learn that even in the Golden State blood runs Red.

Just like everywhere else. Dean Koontz. The Whispering Room. Code Zero. Jonathan Maberry. Dave Barry. John Joseph Adams. Brian S. International Thriller Writer Inc. The Living Dead 2. Creepy Zero Hour.

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Tom Clancy. David Wellington. Gardner Dozois. Pest Control. Bill Fitzhugh.

Jim Mullaney | Destroyerclub

Paul McEuen. Dead Wednesday. John Morales. Her Secret Pirate.

Red on the Menu

Gennita Low. James Roy Daley.


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  8. The Prisoner. Carlos Cortes. Black-Tie Bingo. Maria Schneider. Dana Fredsti. There's nothing otherworldly about murder and mayhem. It's up to the Red Menace and Dr. Wainwright to discover just what the cult has to do with the head honcho of a down-on-its-luck perfume company, a Russian hit squad, a sexy Hollywood superstar, and a threat to all America. No matter what the stars have to say about it, here on Earth all the players quickly learn that even in the Golden State blood runs Red. Just like everywhere else. Create Widget. About James Mullaney. Also in Series: The Red Menace.

    Also by This Author. Report this book. Reason for report: — Select a reason — Book is or contains spam Book infringes copyright Same content is published elsewhere with different author for ex. The ideal then was to create new kinds of groups and services, close to and controlled by the people, groups that could be springboards for social change, for taking power away from the large bureaucracies of the established power structure.

    They had good ideals, and big plans. In the process, the real goals easily can, and often do, get pushed into the background. What happened?

    Groups that started out being entirely run by volunteers, by local people, began thinking about how much more they could do if only they had one or two paid people, or three, or four, or And why not apply for government grants? The main problem is that it creates dependency.

    You start counting on getting another grant after this one runs out.


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    You start relying more and more on paid staff, who also start, despite the best of intentions, to make more and more of the decisions. Volunteers — your base in the community, in other words — slowly start drifting away. They feel shut out of things, and anyway the movement they joined has turned into an organization, a bureaucracy. The group itself is at the mercy of its governmental benefactor. And then it comes to a time like the present, when the state is short of money, and suddenly the grants start being cut back drastically anyway.

    The state, after all, has little to fear from groups that can no longer effectively mobilize the support of their communities. That means not counting on the government money, and using any grants we happen to get to tide us over while we work to become self-sufficient. Most of all, it means building everything on the only secure base there is: the people. The second issue of The Red Menace was published in the summer of I wrote a couple of articles for this issue.

    My article is really a set of theses outlining my view of the broad principles of a libertarian socialist perspective. My second article is about the recent conflict at the Bain Avenue Apartments in Toronto, which pitted one group of tenants, affiliated with the Wages for Housework group, against the majority of tenants, who were attempting to take control of their badly run apartment complex and turn it into a self-managed housing co-operative. I had orginally become aware of the conflict at Bain in my role as editor of the local community newspaper, Seven News. I wrote a couple of articles for Seven News describing the conflict and positions taken by the two sides.

    Both sides liked my Seven News articles: in fact, both sides handed out copies of the Seven News articles in their door-to-door canvassing. However, the more I saw, the more I came to see the Wages for Housework group as manipulative and undemocratic.

    James Mullaney

    Wages for Housework then wrote a reply which we published in the next issue of The Red Menace. The article reflected our commitment to featuring articles about workplace experiences. Also in this issue were some humourous pieces, including a fake interview with Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau satirizing his indifference to the unemployed, and an In Memoriam page for Mao Tse-Tung [Mao Zedong], the recently deceased Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party.

    There is something about them that holds the flavour of an earlier, quieter, more sensible era even though such an era probably existed only in the clouded reminiscences of our grandparents , something about them that seems to stir the memory or the imagination. There is a sense of scale here which is lacking in most larger developments, and a certain quiet charm which partly compensates for the genteel shabbiness that has overtaken the project over the years. We can surely assume that for the working-class tenants who moved into the newly-completed project in the summer of , this setting must have held forth the promise of a peaceful, prosperous, and stable future.

    But it was never quite like that, of course, not then, and not now, and the last few years have been no exception. For several years, Bain has been the scene of constant battles, the latest of which, occurring in the early months of , is the subject of this article.

    Red the Riot Act

    At issue was the future of the complex and its tenants; the struggle, marked by a rent strike, furious door-to-door organizing, stormy general meetings, and a large-scale referendum, pitted residents against each other in acrimonious dispute. This struggle, however, can only be understood against the background of the project.

    The key to the elitism of Wages for Housework is that they think they have discovered the key to the class struggle, and insist on fitting everything onto their Procrustean bed. There is no dispute at all about the importance and validity of economic demands, whether in the workplace or in the community. In this respect, Wages for Housework appears as a degenerated version of Leninism. We call ourselves libertarian socialists.

    But why the adjective? Why libertarian socialism? Is libertarian socialism any different from socialism as it is generally understood?

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